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PSYCHOLOGY,
EXPERT TESTIMONY AND THE LAW
Dr.
Gordon Cochrane
Published in the Washington State Bar Review, March,
2001
It is important
for the courts to know how to assess whether expert testimony in
psychology is scientifically and clinically valid or is unsubstantiated
theory or even "junk science"1 dressed in pseudo-scientific
terminology. Most lawyers and legal decision-makers have had limited
exposure to the research methods and analysis-of-variance used in
psychology.2 They also have little or no experience with the melding
of research outcomes with practical clinical situations and therefore
they may be uncertain about some research-clinical subtleties. Sometimes,
for example, psychology research is based on statistically sound
methods but the generalizability of the outcome data is limited
because the studies were conducted in an academic setting rather
than a clinical setting. Sometimes too, the research methods of
studies are sound but key factors such as each person's unique perspectives
and an individual's faith in him or her self to do what is required
are not included in the design. For example, volumes of cognitive-behavioral
research have been published on coping strategies 3 and on treatments
for obesity 4 over the last thirty years but this research has not
resulted in the development of effective treatments in either of
these realms.
The flawed logic
to which purveyors of psychological pseudo-science adhere follows
this pathway. It is true that the cognitive behavioral model is
the treatment model used in most psychology research. It is also
true that emotion and self-efficacy are important factors in well-being
and it is true that these variables need to be more effectively
incorporated into psychological research. It is also true that results
from longitudinal studies and meta-analyses of existing studies
are conducted too infrequently. "Therefore, it is true that
the limitations of mainstream research make it appropriate and praiseworthy
to promote pseudo-science in the guise of creative innovation."
The acknowledged limitations of mainstream research are being addressed
by researchers who are exploring more effective ways to meld research
design with the subjectivity of human experience. These limitations
do not diminish the value of most scientific research in psychology
and they definitely do not justify the use of unproven or disproven
treatments or expert testimony arising from these treatments.
The legal profession
needs practical tools and guidelines for ascertaining the validity
and reliability of the expert testimony that is provided by health
professionals in psychology.5 The following information and concepts
offer a preliminary yet reliable framework for assessing the "expertness"
of expert testimony in psychology.
WHAT CONSTITUTES MAINSTREAM RESEARCH?
An expert witness
is usually asked to provide understanding of a relevant issue that
is outside the ordinary knowledge of a judge or jurors and in so
doing, most experts draw upon mainstream research. Mainstream research
is that which adheres to scientific standards of research and is
published in peer-reviewed journals approved by the psychology or
psychiatry associations of a given country. The Canadian Psychology
Association and the American Psychiatric Association are examples
of these national associations. Books on psychology subjects may
also be reliable if original research is appropriately cited to
support the theories presented in the book. However, some authors
of psychology books do not cite mainstream research to support their
theories and instead frequently cite parapsychology sources that
are usually accepted without question by the unsophisticated segment
of the book-buying market for whom these books are written. Unless
one knows what to ask, parapsychology journals can seem as valid
as mainstream journals. However, the editors of parapsychology journals
rarely expect or require authors to adhere to sound research principles.
It will be helpful
for lawyers and judges to have a simple but reliable framework that
they can call upon to assess whether expert testimony in psychology
rests upon a firm foundation of science or upon the sands of myth,
bias and magical thinking. The following analogy will help lawyers
and judges scrutinize the professional credibility of most expert
evidence on psychological issues. Mainstream research utilizes the
principles illustrated in this simple analogy.
The Rainmaker
Throughout history
many cultures in arid parts of the world have relied upon the mystical
rituals of a rainmaker to bring on much-needed rain. The rainmaker
was usually a charismatic and mysterious person who fostered the
belief that he or she had knowledge and influence in realms unavailable
to the average person. The pomp and circumstance surrounding the
rainmaker and the raindance were so impressive that many important
questions were never asked. When it appears that an expert witness
might be a psychological rainmaker, the following questions will
be helpful.
After the raindance,
did it rain?
Does it always, or even usually, rain after each raindance?
Are the raindances held on all types of days or just on dark cloudy
days?
If it rained, was it because of the raindance or could there be
other reasons?
If it rained because of the raindance, is the whole dance needed
or just some of it?
If only key parts are necessary, which parts are they?
Can anyone perform this raindance and get comparable results?
Will the rainmaker answer questions about the raindance?
If so, are the answers sprinkled with specialized terminology?
Can the raindance and its supposed results be explained in everyday
English?
This simple
analogy illustrates the key principles of analysis-of variance 6
and provides a framework for questioning the reliability and relevance
of expert testimony. ANOVA is the primary reason for doing mainstream
research. Researchers seek to determine, by
comparing outcomes from the treatment in question to a control group,
to other valid and established treatment groups or to a pharmaceutical
product, whether there is a statistically significant difference
in the treatment outcomes. The variation among the outcomes from
the treatments tested indicates whether the treatment in question
reliably brings about positive results (after the raindance, does
it rain?). Specific aspects of a treatment model can be isolated
and their significance can also be tested in this manner.
When a particular
treatment or psychological concept is presented as part of expert
testimony, the expert should be asked to cite the research that
supports the authenticity of this treatment or concept. Without
the backing of mainstream research, the testimony can easily be
challenged. If research is cited, the expert should be asked whether
the journal in which it was published is a CPA or APA journal. If
it isn't a sanctioned journal, the testimony can again be challenged.
Of course, the research cited may be credible but it also has to
be relevant to the situation in question.
The second question (does it rain after each dance?) is about reliability.
Is this treatment reliable across populations over time? One study
with short-term follow-up data will not provide sufficient information
to determine whether a treatment is reliable.
The research
design used in mainstream research controls for extraneous variables
that could influence the treatment outcome 7 (does the raindance
work on sunny days or just on cloudy days?).
Dismantling
studies seek to clarify which aspects of a treatment are necessary
and which are not. For example, EMDR (eye movement desensitization
and reprocessing) has been a very popular treatment for trauma since
1989. However, current type-A research indicates that the patient's
directed eye movement, which was originally presented as the fundamental
aspect of the treatment, is not a factor in the treatment outcome.8
If eye movement was the distinguishing feature of EMDR and eye movement
is not a statistical predictor of outcome, what is EMDR?
A psychological
treatment, concept or strategy should be useable by other properly
trained therapists. If it is exclusive to a particular therapist,
the outcomes are a factor of the therapist rather than a factor
of a treatment. Claims of unique and exclusive therapeutic success,
frequently attributed to vaguely worded concepts and processes,
cannot be verified by mainstream research and therefore can only
be supported by unreliable anecdotal evidence.9
Research design
and ANOVA permit researchers to make probability statements about
outcomes arising from treatments or specific aspects of treatments.
ANOVA does not generate proof. Rather it generates probability statements
such as: there is a 95% probability that this positive outcome occurred
because of that treatment.10 Whereas other influences remain possible,
sound research design and ANOVA allow researchers to determine whether
a treatment is valid and reliable. Without scientific research we
have no reliable means to assess whether a treatment is effective,
whether a treatment or
aspects of the treatment are valid, whether the treatment may be
harmful, or whether outcome is influenced by factors other than
those that are supposedly part of the treatment.
It is true that
psychotherapy is an art but it is an art conducted within the context
of science. Without the science, it is junk psychology.
The questions posed in the raindance analogy can be used by lawyers
and judges to determine whether the psychological treatments or
concepts that are presented in expert testimony are supported by
mainstream research. The answers to these basic research questions
will help the court determine whether expert testimony in psychology
is acceptable and helpful in the case at hand.
COMMONLY MISUNDERSTOOD PSYCHOLOGY CONCEPTS
Psychotherapy
takes place between two or more people in an office setting with
the relative security of confidentiality and mutual trust. The patient
usually clarifies the initial goals of his or her therapy, though
these goals may be refined or altered as the therapy progresses.
The psychologist or psychiatrist employs a variety of research-
validated tools and strategies to help the patient reach his or
her therapy goals. The therapy process does not always require the
same search for truth that the legal process demands. A therapeutic
outcome can often be achieved from the perceived realities of the
patient. The psychotherapist needs to be well-informed about the
research pertaining to the issues at hand but also needs to respect
and respond to the unique circumstances of each patient. The need
for flexibility and the creative art of therapy make it appropriate
for the therapist to experiment with creative interventions within
the context of researched principles.
However, when
psychology concepts, theories, intervention strategies and patient
behaviors become part of evidence in law, there is less room for
unverified perception
and theoretical flexibility and a greater need for accuracy, research
credibility and an expanded professional responsibility. The following
psychology concepts, treatments and theories are frequently involved
in the expert testimony provided by psychologists and psychiatrists
and therefore lawyers should be familiar with them.
Memory
and Truth
Memories generally,
and recovered memories in particular, have generated considerable
controversy in court proceedings throughout the 1990's. Many people,
including some ill-informed health professionals, felt that memory
could be compared to a stack of chronologically arranged photographs
stored in the vault of the human mind. Subsequently, memory was
considered by some to be synonymous with fact. Actually, memory
is more like a stack of paintings that may or may not be stored
chronologically and they are altered each time the artist retrieves
them. A consensus now exists among
memory researchers that memory is a dynamic medium of experience
shaped by expectancies, needs and beliefs. It is interwoven with
emotion and is enriched by the exquisite human capacity for creative
thought.11 People tend to remember by reconstructing events according
to their life experiences and their emotion-laden conscious and
unconscious needs at the time of recall.12
The accuracy
of a memory is not determined by the amount of detail present, the
intensity of emotion that accompanies it, or by interventions with
hypnosis or with barbiturates such as sodium amytal.13 In a therapy
setting it is not always necessary to corroborate subjective memory
but in a legal setting, corroboration of memory is obviously essential.
Mental health professionals have no special abilities to tell whether
a memory is factual, the product of creative imagination, socially
influenced or, a fabrication.14 Corroboration is the only reliable
way to confirm or disconfirm a memory.
Unique
Realities
Human beings
are creative, active information-processing beings for whom reality
is unique. Everyone experiences life personally and everyone, at
one time or another, especially in highly charged emotional situations,
feels certain that his or her perception of reality is absolute
reality. Once a person has formed a conclusion about a particular
perceived reality he or she selectively attends to the factors that
seemingly confirm this reality while ignoring factors that challenge
it. In an adversarial situation, differing perceived realities are
the norm and corroboration of these perceived realities is essential.
Meaning
Attribution
There are two
sources of meaning attribution that warrant the attention of lawyers
and judges. The first and by far the most common source consists
of most members of the general public. Everyone periodically forgets,
or chooses to ignore, the principle of unique realities and projects,
often with considerable fervor, his or her version of reality onto
other people. This form of mind-reading often creates considerable
unresolved
misunderstanding in personal relationships but in a legal setting,
meaning attribution should not go unchallenged. Various forms of
bias, assumption and a misplaced sense of certitude can cause an
expert witness or a lay person to attribute meaning to and make
uncorroborated allegations about the behavior, thoughts and intent
of another person. Nonverbal cues, for example, are sometimes used
as proof of a person's intent. Mainstream research repeatedly shows,
however, that nonverbal cues play an important role in communication
but it is not possible to attribute meaning to specific nonverbal
cues with reliable accuracy.15
Sometimes meaning
attribution arises from a form of professional arrogance. The history
of psychology and psychiatry has been greatly influenced by Sigmund
Freud and his psychoanalytic model of treatment. This treatment
model and the theory from which it was developed, rests on the assumption
that a highly trained analyst is able to reliably interpret the
real and often unconscious meaning of a patient's thoughts, dreams
and
behaviors. In this model, the authoritative analyst provides meaning
for the patient. It is not surprising that this model has fallen
out of favor with most psychologists and psychiatrists in North
America but the Freudian influence remains. The power and the prestige
that are part of this authoritative "rainmaker" model
can be very appealing to some health professionals even though mainstream
research fails to validate many of the theoretical constructs of
this model. A small minority of health professionals can
sometimes become overconfident about their ability to know the realities
of another person when they conduct psychological assessments and
risk assessments.16 It is not a good idea to accept anything as
fact simply because an expert says it's so. The ghost of Freud still
causes many people in the general public to view psychiatrists and
psychologists as people who "read" and generally analyze
others. Popular television shows such as Frazier help to perpetuate
this image of the expert who can accurately attribute meaning to
the thoughts, actions and intent of others. Uncorroborated meaning
attribution has no place in our courts.
Hypnosis
and the Legal System
The recovered
memory and false memory controversies of the 1990's have contributed
to the development of a negative perception of hypnosis among many
lawyers and judges. This perception is understandable but unfortunate
since it is based on the misuse of hypnosis by a small segment of
health professionals. This group consists of a number of minimally
qualified practitioners and a few qualified practitioners who seem
to have forgotten their training in research design and outcomes.
These health professionals have displayed an astonishing lack of
awareness about the nature of memory and about suggestibility. They
functioned, until recent court challenges initiated greater caution
among some of them, from the view that hypnosis, employed by the
therapist, can uncover the truth that is "recorded" in
the "unconscious" mind of the patient. 17,18,19 This view
of memory is simply not supported by mainstream literature. One
of the consequences of this blatant and irresponsible misuse of
hypnosis has been an over-emphasis on hypnosis as a cause of memory
distortion. The research shows that memory distortion is neither
unique nor specific to hypnosis.21 Memory distortion can occur during
all forms of recall. Suggestions and leading questions can contribute
to the distortion of a person's memory with or without the use of
hypnosis.
Hypnosis is
a term that has defied continuous efforts by health professionals
to reach a consensus on its meaning. Even the American Psychological
Association definition, which is summarized later in this section,
is less than clear. Therefore when expert testimony is provided
on the role of hypnosis in a court case, lawyers and judges should
ask the expert to clarify what he or she means when using the term
hypnosis. Without clarification the door is open to confusion, meaning
attribution and judgment errors. When the expert has provided a
working definition of hypnosis, lawyers are then able to ask the
questions from the rainmaker analogy to determine whether the hypnosis
component of the expert's testimony is valid.
Until relatively
recently, many members of the general public and a surprising number
of health professionals, have held the view that hypnosis is a special
and altered state of consciousness induced in the patient by the
"hypnotist". In this state the person "hypnotized"
is given suggestions by the "hypnotist". Theoretically
these suggestions somehow bypass the recipient's conscious mind
and are accepted by his or her unconscious mind. The implication
of this view is that hypnosis is a form of treatment administered
by a health practitioner to treat a variety of physical and psychological
issues. From this perspective the burden of effort and responsibility
is removed from the patient and placed with the "hypnotherapist".
When the raindance analogy is applied to this model of hypnosis
it becomes evident that mainstream research simply does not validate
this concept of "suggestion-given-suggestion-received."
If mainstream research supported this simplistic model, hypnosis
would be hailed as the primary treatment for most psychological
issues.
In an effort
to minimize the misunderstandings arising from the use of one term
to represent many phenomenon, the APA has defined hypnosis as "a
procedure during which a health professional or researcher suggests
that a client, patient, or subject experience changes in sensations,
perceptions, thought or behavior. The hypnotic context is generally
established by an induction procedure."20 There is no claim
that the suggestions given are reliably accepted and acted upon.
There is no attempt to define "hypnotic context" nor does
the APA comment on whether this context is a necessary part of the
procedure or a predictor of therapy outcome. The APA does go on
to say however, that "hypnosis is not a type of therapy
Instead,
it is a procedure that can be used to facilitate therapy but clinical
hypnosis should be used exclusively by properly trained and credentialed
health care professionals who have, in addition to their mainstream
training, received training and supervision in the clinical use
of hypnosis. Those providing the training and supervision should
know and respect the mainstream research and present hypnosis as
a valuable adjunct to psychotherapy.
Simply stated,
hypnosis is a valuable tool that can be used in therapy but, like
any other therapeutic tool or concept, it should be used within
the context of mainstream research. Without this scientific context,
it is junk psychology.
It is important to question the scientific validity of hypnosis
in its various forms but there is no reason to discredit hypnosis
because some health professionals use it irresponsibly. Considerable
research has been published to confirm a valuable adjunctive role
for hypnosis in a number of psychotherapy situations. A meta-analysis
of 18 studies showed that the addition of hypnosis strategies to
the mainstream cognitive-behavioral treatment programs significantly
improved the outcomes for 70% of the patients.21 Additional research
supports the use of hypnosis as an adjunct to mainstream treatments
for anxiety and pain control 22 and it is used extensively to facilitate
rehearsal imagery in sports and the creative arts.
Therapies From the Fringe and Beyond
Each decade
seems to generate a new batch of syndromes and fringe therapies
in North America. These new cures are usually packaged in pseudo-scientific
terminology and wellness metaphors such as "re-programming
the unconscious", "healing traditions", "energy
therapies", "past lives therapy" and "flushing
one's emotional toxins." The therapies usually promise immediate
and miraculous results for even the most challenging of human situations.
The syndromes consist of a wide-ranging array of symptoms that are
presented as validation of an unverified trauma. A familiar example
from the 1990's is, "If you have some or all of the following
symptoms, you were undoubtedly sexually abused." The list of
symptoms offered is astonishingly wide-ranging.
As Supreme Court
Justice Jack Major stated recently,24 expert testimony can be "dressed
up" in such impressive, scientific terms that jurors can find
it to be infallible. Fortunately, lawyers and judges can use the
ANOVA questions from the raindance analogy to challenge any testimony
that appears to be based upon a fringe therapy or a symptom-laden
syndrome.
Health professionals
who continue to embrace these unsubstantiated therapies and syndromes
may find that instead of offering expert testimony they are in court
defending the validity of their particular form of raindance. For
example, in April of 2000, a 10-year old girl suffocated to death
in the midst of a "rebirthing" activity conducted by three
therapists in Colorado. The three therapists have been charged with
child abuse causing death.24
SUMMARY
Lawyers and judges need to know what questions to ask when they
have reason to doubt the validity of an expert's testimony in psychology.
The majority of health professionals who give expert testimony are
clinically experienced and thoroughly aware of the research in their
field of expertise. They also respect that their testimony can have
considerable impact on the lives of the people involved in the court
proceedings and they are therefore very conscientious about the
professional credibility of their testimony. However, a few health
professionals seem to have forgotten their training in research
design and some seem to have little regard for efficacy supported
treatments. Subsequently, lawyers and judges need a conceptual awareness
of research design and ANOVA so they can ask the basic questions
that will quickly determine whether they are listening to impressive
sounding pseudo-psychology or to valid efficacy-based psychology.
The raindance analogy and the questions arising from it illustrate
the fundamentals of psychology research and offers a simple but
effective framework for lawyers and judges to call upon when questioning
the validity of an expert's testimony.
Other psychological
issues such as risk assessments, various forms of automatism and
the role of personal responsibility in cases involving substance
abuse were not included in this paper. The principles of research
credibility certainly apply to these contentious issues but they
warrant more space than the parameters of this paper permit.
There is no
intent in this paper to advocate an inflexible adherence to science
at the cost of the essential human interaction that is the cornerstone
of all psychotherapy. Experimentation with new therapies and new
intervention strategies certainly needs to be conducted if the field
of psychotherapy is to continue to develop. However, these new developments
should take place within the context of a responsible theory building
process. This process begins with the generation of a hypothesis
arising from an observed and potentially useful phenomenon. Then,
using mainstream research design and ANOVA, the hypothesis is tested
repeatedly. If the results of these controlled studies are sufficiently
positive, a new theory begins to take shape. Ongoing research and
clinical feedback will determine the strength of new treatments
that are based on this theory. This careful developmental process
shows respect for the well-being of patients and for efficacy-based
treatment. It also provides a professional framework to facilitate
the art of therapy.
The guidelines
offered here gives lawyers and judges a preliminary basis from which
they can ascertain whether an expert's testimony in psychology rests
on the mainstream research process or whether it is based on the
unsupported bias of the expert.
ENDNOTES
- P.W. Huber,
Galilee's Revenge: Junk Science in the Courtroom (New York: Basic
Books, 1991).
- J. Arboleda-Florez
& C. J. Deynaka, Forensic Psychiatric Evidence (Toronto: Butterworths,
1999), at 1-23.
- M.R. Somerfield
& R.R. McCrae, "Stress and coping research: Methodological
challenges, Theoretical Advances and Clinical Applications"
(2000) 55, 6 American Psychologist, at 620-624.
- G.J. Cochrane,
"Lasting weight loss: Attacking the underlying problems"
(1999) 16, 7 Canadian Journal of Diagnosis, at 76-92.
- Arboleda-Florez
& Deynaka, at 12-17.
- G.A. Ferguson,
Statistical Analysis in Psychology & Education (New York:
McGraw Hill, 1986) at 223-224.
- Ibid., at
211-215.
- E.B. Foa,
T.M. Keane & M.J. Friedman, Effective Treatments for PTSD
(New York: The Guilford Press, 20000) at 143-152.
- D.L. Chambless
& S.D. Hollon, "Defining empirically supported therapies"
(!998) 66 Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, at 7-18.
- Ferguson,
at 72-74.
- S.J. Lynn
& K.M. McConkey, Truth in Memory (New York: The Guilford Press,
1998) at ix.
- D.L. Scacter,
"The seven sins of memory; Insights from psychology and cognitive
neuroscience" (1999) 54, 3 American Psychologist, at 182-203.
- Lynn &
McConkey, at 10-11.
- Lynn &
McConkey, at 414.
- P. Ekman
& M. O'Sullivan, "Who can catch a liar?" (1991)
46, 9 American Psychologist, at 913-920.
- Arboleda-Florenz
& Deynaka, at 167-168.
- Ibid., at
156-160.
- D. Brown,
A. Scheflin & C. Hammond, Memory, Trauma Treatment and the
Law
(New York: Norton, 1998)
- E.B. Foa,
T.M. Keane & M.J. Friedman, at 262-264.
- Ibid., at
247-250.
- Kirsch, G.
Montgomery & G. Sapirstein, "Hypnosis as an adjunct to
cognitive-
behavioral psychotherapy; a meta-analysis." (1995) 163 Journal
of Consulting and
Clinical Psychology, at 214-220.
- A.M. Nicholi,
Ed., The Harvard Guide To Psychiatry (Cambridge: Harvard Univerity
Press, 1999) at 555-562.
- K. Makin,
"Expert testimony called threat to jury role", The Globe
and Mail, October 6, 2000.
- K. Nicholson,
"Charges dropped against mother", The Denver Post, November
14, 2000.
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